We canÔÇÖt afford public revolts against debt
Daniel Finkelstein
Published at 12:01AM, May 9 2012
People in Europe are refusing to pay their countryÔÇÖs bills. And that could threaten our very democracies
In 1972, holidaying in the Hotel el Toro in Benidorm, I noticed something odd. As I swam in the pool, music played on the loudspeakers. But it was the same song, over and over again ÔÇö Power to the People by John Lennon and the Plastic Ono Band. I had nothing against it. I liked John Lennon, still do. But I thought it was a bit funny to be playing it on a loop.
So I asked my mum why she thought they were doing it. And that is how, at the age of 9, I first learnt about General Franco. The repetitive music was a little act of rebellion against the dictator, you see.
At that age, it came as a bit of a surprise that there were dictators in Western Europe so near to home. I knew about authoritarian regimes, of course, because my parents had both been imprisoned by them and because the family photo albums were full of people who had been murdered or disappeared. But it all seemed a long time ago and what remained of it, behind the Iron Curtain, seemed a long way away.
Starting with that moment on a ClarksonÔÇÖs package holiday, I slowly began to understand that dictatorships werenÔÇÖt a long time ago or far away. There was Spain, obviously, and Greece and Portugal, all under military rule in my lifetime. And Poland, where my father was born, Hungary and Czechoslovakia were not distant lands, but parts of Europe and places where family still lived and Finkelstein homes still stood.
And as I grew older still and ten years no longer seemed like an age, I realised too that the gap that separated our stable, free life in Hendon from their deportation and camps was not all that long, just a few years really.
These are the thoughts that returned to me this weekend, when I saw the pictures of the neo-Nazi Nikos Michaloliakos, sitting under his Greek version of the Swastika, and telling the world that ÔÇ£Greece is only the beginningÔÇØ. We have had a junta in Greece once in my lifetime; is it really so impossible that we might have one again? We have had military officers firing guns in the Spanish parliament and the King having to go on television to save a fledgeling democracy. Is a repetition of an event like that somewhere in Europe inconceivable?
HereÔÇÖs what I think happened in Greece, and in France, and in the local elections in Italy a few days ago. Voters went to the polls to see if they agreed that two plus two equals four and decided that they did not.
Simple arithmetic ran for office, and lost.
We have arrived at the moment that the respected financial writer John Mauldin calls, in his book of that name, the endgame. It is the end of the debt supercyle, the end of decades in which borrowing rose from small to manageable to unmanageable. It is the moment at which those debts have to be reduced. And we arrive at it still borrowing more than we are raising in tax and with little clue how to close the gap.
And Mauldin puts it well: ÔÇ£We are left with no good choices ... We have created a situation that is going to cause a lot of pain. It is not a question of pain or no pain, it is just when and how we decide (or are forced) to take it. There are no easy paths.ÔÇØ
When Margaret Thatcher used to use household analogies to explain matters of national finance she was often sneered at. Countries and households are incomparable, explained her critics. Technically, you could see their point. But these technical objections, then and now, miss the big point that I think she saw. You canÔÇÖt go on borrowing for ever without one day testing the patience of your creditors. At some point you have to stop adding to the pile of debt. We have reached that point.
The financial crisis saw governments step in to take over debts that had been incurred by private citizens. They could do this because their power to tax their citizens assured lenders that they were good for the money. But two things have happened since 2008. The first is that the size of the debt grew so large in some countries that even its power to tax wouldnÔÇÖt raise enough money. The second, which was dramatically underlined by the election results at the weekend, is that the power to tax proved to be theoretical. Democratic governments canÔÇÖt tax (or reduce spending) if voters wonÔÇÖt let them.
The clash between financial reality and democratic response is as big a political crisis as most of us have ever seen. All over Europe, voters are in revolt against paying the bills they and their fellow countrymen have incurred. And not just in Europe. A recent visit to Japan found a country flitting from one prime minister to the next and still, after many years of struggle, no closer to determining how ÔÇö or even whether ÔÇö to deal with its economic problems.
There are some who want to put off the endgame for a few more years, hoping ÔÇö I think forlornly, others think not ÔÇö for a softer landing. LetÔÇÖs borrow just a bit extra, keep on going for a bit longer. But even for these people the endgame will come. And it can only be addressed by countries earning more and spending less. There is no other solution.
Persuading voters of this will be incredibly difficult. And so far EuropeÔÇÖs leaders are failing. The cause of the fall of one European government after another is obvious to us all at a distance ÔÇö it is a revolt against the consequences of the endgame. The political difficulties of our own Government we prefer to ascribe to the presentation of the granny tax and problems with the Leveson Inquiry.
Well, whatever. As long as David Cameron and Nick Clegg, renewing their vows yesterday, see it for what it really is. Those people who want the Government to have a mission beyond austerity, beyond the endgame, are not appreciating how big that task is, how difficult the mission. British voters are no different from any others. At the last election no party felt able to level with them about how bad things were, and what would be needed to put it right, because they correctly divined that if they tried to do so they would be horribly damaged.
The mission of this Government can only be to deal with the borrowing and, somehow, to take voters with them as they do it. And that will mean everyone paying more and getting less and putting off things we want to do until later. There wonÔÇÖt be time or political credit for anything else.
We take for granted our stability and our freedom and our democracy. We take for granted that of Europe as well. We shouldnÔÇÖt.